The town of Junnar, 80km north of Pune in Maharashtra, has been an important trading and political centre for at least the last two millennia. The town is on an ancient trade route that links the ports of western India (Konkan) with the Deccan interiors. The first mention of Junnar comes the Greco-Roman travelers from the first millennium, and inscriptions on excavated caves that surround the town inform us that Indo-Scythian Western Satraps ruled at Junnar during the 2nd century CE. Many of the caves also have donative inscriptions mentioning Yavanas (Greeks), also dating to circa 2nd century CE. Some scholars believe the original name of Junnar was Tagara as mentioned by Greek writers, and the present name is a corruption of Juná-nagara, meaning “the ancient city”.
Clearly the history of early Junnar has yet to be fully realised. Hopefully targeted investigations and archaeological excavations in the future will help shed further light on the nature and importance of this town over two thousand years ago.
When one thinks of the ancient cave excavations of Maharashtra, the mind immediately leaps to sites such as Ellora, Ajanta, or Karla. But the Junnar region is in fact home to the largest number of rock-cut caves in India, with over 200 independent excavations spread over the four hills that surround the town. All these caves belong to the Buddhist Hinayana phase and are datable from the mid 3rd century BCE to the late 3rd century CE.
The presence of so many rock cut excavations with a large number of associated inscriptions (enabling paleographical study) makes Junnar a prominent site for the study of rock cut architecture in India.
Junnar group of caves are classified into various sub-groups depending upon the location of these excavations. They are:
- Tulja Lena – 5 km west of Junnar.
- Manmodi – located on Manmodi hill to the southwest of the town. Here there are a further three distinct groups :
- Shivneri – located south-west of the town
- Lenyadri (also known as Ganesh Lena) – located north of the town.
- A second group in a spur of the Sulaiman hills, about a mile from Lenyadri.
Shivneri Hill is a huge flat-topped rocky mass with steep sides rising for about 100 metres above the plain, south-west of Junnar town. The remains of the famous Shivneri Fort, the birthplace of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj, is on this hill. The caves are clustered in six separate groups hewn all around the hill at different heights.
- Group 1 : East-facing, caves 1 – 14
- Group 2 : East-facing, above Group 1, caves 15 – 21
- Group 3 : East-facing, further north along the scarp, caves 22 – 28
- Group 4 : East-facing, 100m further north of Group 3, caves 29 – 48
- Group 5 : West-facing, caves 49 – 55
- Group 6 : South-facing, caves 56 – 68
At this point it’s worth noting that only Group 6 is easily accessible without a guide and lies very close to the well-trodden route up to Shivneri Fort from the carpark below. All the other groups are more difficult to reach, sometimes involving some tricky scrambling, and should never be attempted on your own. It’s not just the terrain to consider, there is also a high chance of encountering bees which can be particularly aggressive if they sense danger. On my visit I focused on Groups 3, 4 and 6 – these are certainly the top three groups to see if your time is limited.
Before starting our virtual tour of these groups, I have to mention the cave numbering system. These caves have been documented by a few scholars over the last 150 years, each of them bringing their own interpretation of what they saw. The result of this being that each cave has been designated a different number by each of the individuals, which makes researching and documenting this site problematic. I am unable to find any official numbering designation by the ASI, so I have spent an inordinate amount of time correlating their accounts to match each of their cave descriptions. Some caves have been left out entirely, other excavations have been clubbed together, some scholars numbered the cisterns while others didn’t. None of the scholars even agree on the number of cave groups on Shivneri Hill, it’s been a lengthy process to say the least !
My research has been based primarily on three documented accounts of the Shivneri caves, these sources are :
- Buddhist Architecture of Western India (c. 250 B.C. – c. A.D. 300), published 1981
By S. Nagaraju - Archaeological Survey of Western India Vol. IV – Report on the Buddhist Cave Temples and their Inscriptions
Supplementary to the volume on “The Cave Temples of India”, published 1876 – 1879
By James Burgess - Poona District Gazetteer (Third Volume), published 1885
Dr. Bhagwan Lal Indraji
Of the three, Nagaraju provides the most detail and is also the most recent full survey of the caves that I was able to find. I have therefore adopted Nagaraju’s cave numbering system as the anchor, the descriptions of each cave I photographed will also include the Burgess and Indraji designations.
Note that the following is not a full account of each and every excavation, this focuses more on the highlights of each cave group and things to look out for on your exploration.
Please click on any of the images to view them in a larger format.
Group 3
Accessing Group 3 is achieved via a path that runs west from the summit of Shivneri Hill all the way into Junnar town (see above map). This is known locally as the “chain route”, formally a secret entrance to the side of the fort that could only be negotiated with the use of metal chains secured to the near vertical rock-face. Although there are no chains today and the most hazardous stretches have been replaced by steps, there are still some steep sections.
This is a small group of excavations, notable for having a higher than expected number of halls compared to accommodation, which accounts for only one of the caves. Many of the caves retain some characteristics suggesting they are quite early, but then subsequently modified. Nagaraju suggests they may have been made or modified at a time when there was much movement of people up the hill, probably after many of the excavations had already come into existence.
Cave 24 (Burgess:34 Indraji:21)
A large hall (W:6m, D:6.8m, H:2.7m) with a bench running along the three inner walls, and a wide front verandah. There are two plain rectangular pilasters in front which have some holes on them and there are also a few holes in the floor along the same line. These indicate that this hall had a wooden screen.
At the middle portion of the bench along the back wall there is a frontal projection 1.8m wide
and jutting forward to about 1.2m. This is a peculiar and unusual feature, perhaps a way of accommodating more seating for individuals, or the place designated for the chief monk.
With perfectly cut sides and smoothly dressed walls, floor and roof, it is thought this was a dining hall dating no earlier than the 2nd century CE.
Cave 25 (Burgess:35 Indraji:20)
Another large hall (W:4.5m, D:4.5m, H:2.5m) with a low bench along the left wall and returning to run along the back wall, only to half its length.
The walls of this cave and the associated cistern to its right are much ruined now.
Cave 26 (Burgess:36 Indraji:22)
This is a large hall (W:9.5m, D:7.5m, H:2.9m) with two cells in the left wall and four cells in the back wall. Interpreting this cave is problematic as it has been much altered to become a temple of Ganesha, so many of the features here may not be original. A wall of well dressed stone has been built to enclose the space, with the addition of an ornamental carved doorway and lattice window. On the doorway in the middle of the lintel is a broken image of Ganesh which shows that the additions were Brahmanical. Both these features date to the 9th or 10th century CE.
Holes in the hall ceiling suggest that perhaps there was once a wooden screen between the verandah and the hall, and a further fifteen holes in the scarp which overhangs the cave were cut, probably to support a wooden roof. To the left of the veranda is a large cistern, part of which runs under the veranda floor.
One of the cells on the back wall is noticeably bigger than the others and includes a carved bench, perhaps suggesting it was for a chief monk. All the other cells have peg-holes and no benches.
In the veranda over a bench to the right is an inscription consisting of two lines of well cut deep letters. It has been intentionally scraped away and only a part of the beginning and end of the first line appear. In the beginning is the Buddhist trident, the first letter “yo” is distinct and then appear traces of the letters “nakasa”. At the end of the second line the letters “achariya” are distinct, and then appears the top-stroke of “na” the rest of the rock below having broken away.
This probably documents the gift of a Yavana. The term ‘Yavana’ (Sanskrit)’ and ‘Yona’ (Pali) are often mentioned in ancient Indian literature and inscriptions. The commonly accepted definition states that the term ‘Yavana’ originally had meant ‘Greek’ and that it was only later that it was applied to Romans, Arabs, and westerners in general. ‘Yavana’ is generally thought to be derived from the Greek word ‘Iawn/laones’ (Ionian). It has been suggested that the Indians took the word from some Semitic language or from the Persians when they first encountered Greeks on the borders of their country. The Persians originally called Ionian Greeks and later all Greeks, Yaunas. The Hebrew word for Greeks is also ‘Yawan’.”
Cave 27 (Burgess:37 Indraji:22)
Cave 27 has two cells one above the other and the lower cell opens through a doorway to the veranda of Cave 28.
Much of the frontage of these excavations has now been lost, the ground strewn with large blocks of rock that have fallen away.
Cave 28 (Burgess:38 Indraji:23)
This is a large hall (W:6.3m D:4.2m H:2.5m) with a veranda, the roof of which has now collapsed. Many of the original features have been lost due to alterations in medieval times.
A number of benches of various heights have been carved along the walls of the hall. Interpreting the use of this cave is difficult, it has no separate cells for monks, nor is it a dwelling for a single monk. As the benches are of varying sizes, it has been suggested that it was used by monks of different ranks, perhaps as a place of learning. The highest bench being for the preceptor the Acharya or Sthavira, the one a little lower being for the sub-preceptor or Upadhyaya, and the rest for scholars.
One small detail that most visitors will probably miss, and only documented by Indraji, is the carving of a galloping horse in a small niche to the right of the doorway outside.
The carving depicts the horse with a saddle and reins, but no stirrups.
Group 4
About 100m further north from Group 3. This cluster of caves, the largest of all the groups, is known locally as “Bara Gadad” or “Twelve Caves”, from the twelve cells that reside in a single excavation in the middle of the group. The caves are adjacent to each other, facing east on the north to south scarp overlooking Junnar town.
Cave 33 (Burgess:42 Indraji:27)
Cave 33 consists of a single cell (W:2.3m D:2.2m H:2m) with a bench on the right wall, fronted by a veranda. On the left wall of the veranda is a recess with a carved stupa in half relief, the lower part of which is broken and has fallen away. What remains shows the brim of the drum with railing pattern, a dome somewhat higher than usual but with the sides having convex profile. There is the square harmika with railing pattern surmounted by an inverted three-stepped pyramid. Above this is the stone shaft carrying the circular umbrella.
High up on the back wall of the veranda to the left of the doorway is a large inscription consisting of five lines. Nearly all of the first half of the third line appears to have been intentionally rubbed away about the time of the inscription, and the surface where the letters are rubbed away is slightly lower.
Traces of some of the letters appear but the letters cannot be clearly made out. The inscription may be read:
Apaguriyana Savagiriyâsasa putasa Patibadhakasa Giribhûtisa sakhuyârusa leņa podhi cha
[de]yadhamarn etasa cha leņasa podhiya cha nakare cha bhikhuni upasayo[ra]sa Dharmmutariyana akhaya nivi ka[ka]
[hd]panâni…… eto loņasa chivarika kāhāpako[na] sodasa podhiya chiva
………….[e. mata]cha bisahasatâ payoga torivadhi sahasavadha dhana. upayyasa
……….yo upasayo nagare giribhūtisa bitiyikāyi[ja] Sivapâ[li]tanika[ya]“A cave and a cistern, the meritorious gift of Patîbadhaka Giribhûti Sakhuyâru,
son of Savagiriyasa of the Apaguriyas; and for this cave and the cistern and the nunnery
of the Dhammutariyas in the town, a perpetual endowment of.. kârshapaņas (has been
given)……….. the nunnery of Sivapâlitanika, wife of Giribhûti, in the town.”
Apaguriya seems to be a clan or the name of the inhabitants of some district. Dhammutariyas (i.e. Dharmottarîyas) are one of the ancient Buddha schools founded in the 3rd century BCE. The mutilated passages seem to have contained provisions regarding the distribution of the interest accruing from the endowment.
Kârshapaņas are ancient Indian coins, extremely diverse in nature. They are considered some of the oldest coins ever used, starting from the 6th century BCE. These emerged as square silver coins in the pre-Mauryan period, but evolved into rounded coins composed of silver, copper, and even lead. The first karshapanas did not appear as national money, but as an initiative of merchants from different regions, in order to activate and simplify trade. In this way, the need to weigh silver every time before paying for goods and services disappeared. The use of karshapanas started to decline at the start of the 3rd century CE. Interestingly, the name of the karshapana coin (Sanskrit “कार्षापान” — kārṣāpaṇa) is probably related to the unit of weight measurement in ancient India, the kārsha (approx 12 grams). Some experts believe the English term “cash” comes from “kārsha” (Sanskrit).
Cave 34 (Burgess:43 Indraji:28) and Cave 35 (Burgess:43 Indraji:29)
These caves give an impression that they belong to one unit, sharing a common open veranda. But on closer examination it can be made out that they are two different caves of similar design with a dividing veranda wall, now broken. Socket holes on the veranda ceiling would suggest this dividing wall was broken in antiquity and replaced by a wooden screen.
Cave 34 has two cells, with an open window to the left of the first cell doorway. Cave 35 is almost identical, with the far right cell additionally having a bench on the left wall. Both cell floors of Cave 35 have grain-husking holes.
Remains of ceiling paint, especially in the second cell, consist of three concentric circles in square panels. The colours used were white, yellow, and black, but their condition is extremely poor (not photographed).
Cave 36 (Burgess:45 Indraji:30)
After passing a few cisterns we come to Cave 36, which gives this group it’s local name “Bara Gadad” or “Twelve Caves”. This is the largest excavation in the group, with a hall (W:9.8m D:10.2m H:3m) surrounded by twelve cells and a veranda in front. A low bench runs along all sides of the hall, with four cells on each of the three internal sides.
There are two doorways cut in the front wall of the hall, one in the centre and the other very near the left side wall. There are two huge rectangular windows, one each on either side of the main doorway at chest level.
The veranda is now partly ruined, and is quite unusual in having floor and ceiling levels that are 30cm lower than that of the hall. These two features, coupled with cells without any benches, are commonly seen in caves of a later date.
Some traces of plaster and paint exist on the hall ceiling, but they are in a poor condition and unlikely to survive for much longer without conservation.
Cave 37 (Burgess:44 Indraji:31)
A flight of thirteen broken rock-cut steps from the left of the veranda of cave 36. leads up to the veranda of Cave 37. This cave is almost a part of cave 37. as it is connected with its veranda. It is a dwelling consisting of a veranda and an inner hall (W:4.8m D:4.5m H:2.3m).
Middle : Ruined cisterns just beyond Cave 37
Right : View from Cave 37 having climbed the steps
The fact that the only approach to this cave is through cave 36 clearly shows that this is either contemporary or made later than cave 36.
Cave 42 (Burgess:50 Indraji:35)
This is a hall (W:5.7m D:4.5m H:2.2m) with five cells, three in the left and two in the back wall. The cells have no benches, their doorways noticeably narrow (approx 70 cm). A broad window stretches at chest level from the doorway to the left wall, which was once separated from the doorway by a narrow strip that has now disappeared.
All the cell doors, as well as the large door and window of the cave, have grooves for wooden frames. The broad veranda in front is shared with neighbouring Cave 43 immediately to the north.
The most distinctive aspect of this cave is the carved stupa in half-relief in a nice between the two cells in the back wall of the hall. This may be an early attempt at introducing the idea of incorporating a shrine within a dwelling cave.
Cave 43 (Burgess:51 Indraji:36)
Adjacent to and sharing the veranda of cave 42 is this cave, a Chaitya hall with some interesting features.
It consists of a flat-roofed rectangular hall housing a massive stupa, with a central entrance accessed via a flight of five steps. The main entrance is flanked by two windows, the one to the left of the doorway has been purposely lowered to offer a subsidiary entrance. Although this cave now shares the same veranda as cave 42, the changes in height would suggest that once the veranda had a dividing wall.
Upon entering the hall a row of four pillars, two free-standing in the middle, lying across the large hall divides it into a front transverse aisle (W:6.2m D:1.4m H:5.5m) and the hall proper (W:6.2m d:9.4m H:5-5.5m)beyond. The pillars rise from a low podium and are of the usual pot-base-pot-capital variety. The octagonal shaft slightly tapers and the two central pillars are approx. 1.6m apart.
A little in front of the back wall of this hall is a rock-cut stupa (3.1m diameter) occupying a central position just opposite the doorway.
The stupa plinth is 9.8m in circumference and 1.4m high. Above the plinth is a 30cm broad belt of rail pattern. Above this is a flat dome 1.6m high crowned by a capital with more rail pattern. Over the capital is a four-plated tee 1m high in total. above the tee is a shaft and an umbrella cut out of the ceiling.
This stupa is a piece of excellent workmanship, with some very clear mathematical proportions deployed and figured out before any carving commenced. The diameter of the stupa is exactly half of the width of the hall and is placed in such a position that the distances between the edge of the stupa and the back and side walls in every case is one quarter of the width of the hall. If a line was drawn directly in front of where the stupa sits, it would bisect the hall precisely in half.
Of the ceiling, it is here that we have the best preserved plaster and painting to be found at any cave on the hill. The painting consists of concentric circles in square panels with flowers and leaves in the vacant corners.
The panels are in five plates, a black plate in the middle and two white and red plates on either side. Some panels have seven plates a black plate in the middle with three plates white, red, and yellow on each side. The circles are mostly the same in colour, the innermost yellow, the next red, the next a large white circle, the next a smaller red circle and the last a large white circle. Some have an outermost red circle with scroll patterns.
These are a remarkable survivor of original paintwork, but gives only a vague hint as to how this hall must once have looked. Traces of similar plaster and paintwork do exist in other caves on the hill, but this is by far the best preserved. As an archaeologist I naturally fear for the longevity of these paintings, the plaster looks as though it will fall from the ceiling at any given moment, and I doubt the ASI have any sufficient funds to do anything about it.
Back outside, on the rear wall of the veranda to the right of the right window is a beautiful inscription well cut and well preserved with a fine altar-like symbol in the beginning.
The inscription reads :
Virasenakasa gahapatipamughasa
dharmmanigamasa deyadhaınmari chetiyagharo
niyuto savalokahitasukhaya“The meritorious gift of Viraseņaka, a chief householder and upright merchant-a
Chaityagriha, dedicated for the welfare and happiness of the whole world.”
This phrase ‘savalokahitasukhaya’ is a statement appearing only in later inscriptions and is probably associated with the changing ideas in the Buddhist creed itself, when the good of others was considered to be more important than achieving personal salvation. This fact coupled with the characters employed in writing the inscription suggest the cave probably dates to the latter part of the 3rd century CE.
Excavation 44 (Burgess:54 Indraji:Inscription 25)
Immediately to the right of Cave 43 is a cistern by the veranda. Beyond this, further north, are three more cisterns two of which are earth filled. A little further on is another cistern with a broken front, looking much like the start of a cell excavation.
High up on the shallow recess is an inscription in large letters.
The inscription which reads :
Yavanasa Irilasa Gatâna deyadhama be podhiyo
“The meritorious gift of two cisterns by the Yavana Irila of the Gatâ (country).”
It is widely believed this group of caves have all the architectural necessities for a monastery; with a flat-roofed Chaitya capable of accommodating a congregation of at least 40 people, cell capacity for around 25 monks, plenty of water cisterns, and two large open halls for dining, sitting, and deliberation. All the inscriptions are dated to the 3rd century CE, but the earliest excavations appear to be caves 34 and 35. Caves with single and multiple cells probably came next, resulting in the need for a Chaitya to be constructed to support the community here.
Group 6
This group is the most accessible on the hill, and can be easily combined with exploring Shivneri Fort within a single day. They are located at a high level up the southern scarp and are within the second line of fortification on the hill.
In terms of preservation, their close proximity to the fort defenses has also been their downfall, as many of the caves have been damaged or altered during medieval times.
To find this cave group, head for Shivai Devi Mandir just beyond Shivai Gate on the main route up to the fort, the cave group actually starts with this temple.
Cave 56 (Burgess:59 Indraji:44)
From the outside you would struggle to see how this could be a Buddhist rock-cut cave, and unfortunately photography is not permitted within the temple.
What is now the Shivai Devi Mandir was once a flat-roofed Chaitya, the ancient rectangular hall is still present but the stupa has been chiseled away to accommodate the idol of the goddess (the family deity of Shivaji). The umbrella cut in the hall roof still remains, and the front of the hall has been removed and replaced by fine dressed stone blocks comprising the walls of the temple. Further descriptions of this temple will be forthcoming in my blog post about Shivneri Fort.
Cave 57 (Burgess:60 Indraji:45)
Beyond the Shivai temple heading east and at a lower level, this is a small dwelling consisting of a single cell and veranda. The doorway has been partially filled in at the bottom, suggesting this may have been used as storeroom by the Marathas or Musalmans. Despire the alterations, the architecture of the cave suggests it is quite an early example.
Cave 59 (Burgess:62 Indraji:46)
A slightly unusual cave, consisting of a dwelling with an open veranda and a half cell in the back wall, with a benched recess to the left. The front wall of the cell is broken, possibly to accommodate a wider entranceway, which is a little perplexing as the cell itself is not spacious. What remains of the original doorway clearly has grooves for a wooden frame.
On the backwall of the veranda to the left of the doorway is an inscription in two lines, both well cut and well preserved.
The inscription reads :
Ugaha-upasakasa putasa Isipâlitasa sapa [pu]takasa dânath
“The gift of Isipâlita, the son of Ugaha, an Upasaka, with his sons.”
An Upasaka is the title given to followers of Buddhism (or, historically, of Gautama Buddha) who are not monks, nuns, or novice monastics in a Buddhist order, and who undertake certain vows. In modern times they have a connotation of dedicated piety that is best suggested by terms such as “lay devotee” or “devout lay follower”.
Based on the paleography of the inscription, the cave is datable to the latter part of the 2nd century CE.
Cave 64 (Burgess:67 Indraji:48)
This is a sizeable open hall (W:5.8m D:4.4m H:2.4m ) with a low bench running along the three inner walls. The front is open, but numerous mortises cut in the floor and ceiling suggest the front portion of the hall was once covered by a wooden screen.
On the left side wall near the hall opening is an extremely clear inscription consisting of four lines and dating to the latter part of the 3rd century CE:
The inscription reads :
Yavanasa
Chitasa Gatânarm
bhojanamatapo
deyadhama saghe“The meritorious gift of a refectory for the community (Sangha) by the Yavana Chiţa (Chaitra) of the Gatas (or of the Gatâ country).”
On this inscription, the Buddhist symbols of the triratna and of the swastika (reversed) are positioned on both sides of the first word “Yavanasa”. Other similar inscriptions mentioning donations from Yavanas have been found at sites such as Karla Caves, Pandavleni Caves, as well as nearby Manmodi Caves.
The freshness of the carved letters is due to a modern wall that once covered this inscription.
Cave 66 (Burgess:69 Indraji:50)
Beyond three large water cisterns (possibly medieval) is this cave, a small flat-roofed Chaitya consisting of a hall and veranda. The hall (W:3m D:6.2m H:3.8m) has a stupa carved about 3.6m behind and directly opposite the front doorway, 56cm to the side and back walls. The single entranceway, partially filled in in more recent times, is the only source of light into the hall. A door cut in the right wall gives internal access to Cave 67 next door.
As with the Chaitya Cave 43 (Burgess:51 Indraji:36) in Group 4, the mathematical proportions and architectural design here are to be admired. The hall is almost in 2:1 proportion as far as the depth and width are concerned, and is 4:5 with reference to the height and width. The stupa diameter is 2/3rd of the width and is placed in such a way as to leave equal spaces between that and the side and back walls.
On the veranda there is clear evidence that pillars once existed here, now ruined with only their uppermost section attached to the ceiling of the veranda. On the right wall of the verandah is a strange carving of a figure, now very worn and hard to make out the exact depiction.
Right : Interior view of Cave 66 looking out beyond the doorway
The shape of the stupa would indicate that this should be considered as one of the earliest of the flat roofed Chaityas. There is also no umbrella cut in the roof, which is a feature in other later flat roofed chaitya halls.
An inscription high up on the veranda back wall to the left of the doorway is datable to the latter part of the 2nd century CE,
The inscription reads :
Ugâhaputasa Isipâlitasa saparivārasa chetiyagharo dânarh
“The gift of a Chetiyaghara by Isipâlita, son of Ugaha, with his family.”
This would appear to be the same donor as Cave 59 (Burgess:62 Indraji:46), not far from here in the same cluster.
Cave 67 (Burgess:70 Indraji:50)
Of all the caves on Shivneri hill, Cave 67 is probably the hardest to interpret, it has certainly confused scholars as well. Nagaraju and Burgess consider this a separate excavation with a doorway created to join it to Cave 66. Indraji believes Cave 66 and 67 are a single excavation (which he called Cave 50), and subsequently a front door was inserted at the front of Cave 67.
Certainly many alterations have occurred here, which was originally a hall with dimensions (W:7.3m D:6.8m H:2.5m). The original doorway to Cave 67 (if there was one) has been replaced by an entrance of well dressed stone, and internally the architecture is very different. On the left wall are a series of shallow arched recesses, with a further central recess on the back wall (painted orange). Here we also find an unusually high bench (higher than one would expect in a Buddhist excavation) in the middle of which are two holes on a square dressed surface, possibly intended for setting an image. So this would appear to be used now as a Hindu temple, and at one time was more established as such.
The floor is also littered with clues. Deep parallel grooves in a linear orientation would seem to suggest that at one time this space was partitioned and divided up in some fashion.
Indraji speculates that under the Musalmans or Marathas the cave was used as a granary, storehouse, or as an ammunition room. It mostly likely became a temple after that time, although the exact chronology is almost impossible to unpick now.
Cave 68 (Burgess:71 Indraji:Undocumented)
This is last excavation easily accessible in the group, a simple cell with a doorway and a verandah in front which is of the same dimension as the cell, but with its front part broken. There is a bench along the left wall.
Beyond Cave 68 the second line of fortification meets the southern scarp of Shivneri hill and it’s impossible to explore further. However, the view looking further east from the fortification wall reveals a few additional excavations that have largely missed the attentions of scholars. It’s seems odd why this is the case, Burgess merely states there are “two or three more simple excavations”, Nagaraju and Indraji are completely silent.
The composition of caves in this group (Group 6) is very different to that of Group 4. Here we have two Chaitya Halls capable to accommodating 40 devotees in total, two halls that could potentially house a similar number, but very few cells to serve as living quarters for the monks. It seems more likely that these excavations serviced the need of a floating population, less of a living place but more somewhere outsiders would make a pilgrimage to.
It is likely that path leading from Naneghat pass to Junnar town might have been along the banks of the Mina, which flows just to the south of Shivneri hill. If so, these caves would be the first to be reached by travelers moving from Nanaghat to Junnar. The Chaitya halls would have served their religious needs, and the other halls were there for them to rest or dine. This is partially backed up by the inscription on Cave 64, where it is clearly referred to as a dining hall.
My sincere thanks to Siddharth Kasbe and his friends for accompanying me on my exploration of the caves on Shivneri Hill. Siddharth is passionate about the Buddhist remains in his town, and is eager to pass that knowledge on. He even has his own YouTube channel where, somewhat embarrassingly, I got featured in a few clips.
If you want to explore the Buddhist caves other than Group 6, I highly recommend you get in contact with Siddharth to see if he can accompany you. I wouldn’t have got to many of the caves without his help, a little bit of local knowledge can go a long long way.
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